Six shooters who participated in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, including three with ties to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), were named by a prominent critic of the Warren Commission Report (WCR). Remarkably, Lee Harvey Oswald, the Warren Commission’s lone-assassin-designate, was not among them.
During an interview published this past Nov. 20th in The Santa Barbara Independent, WCR critic/researcher Dr. James Fetzer of Madison, WI, and Chairman of the Oswald Innocence Campaign, revealed the names of five of those who appear to have been shooters, where he has identified the sixth separately:
DALLAS DEPUTY SHERIFF HARRY WEATHERFORD
(1) The first shot that hit, which struck Kennedy in the back, appears to have been fired from the top of the County Records Building by Dallas Deputy Sheriff Harry Weatherford. He used a 30.06 to fire a Mannlicher-Carcano (MC) bullet fitted with a plastic collar known as a sabot, which hit JFK 5.5″ below the shoulder just to the right of the spinal column. This was a shallow wound with no point of exit.
(2) Jack Lawrence, a U.S. Air Force expert, who had gone to work for the automobile dealership that provided vehicles for the presidential motorcade just a few days before the assassination, fired the shot that passed through the windshield and struck JFK in the throat from the south end of the Triple Underpass.
NESTOR “Tony” IZQUIERDO
(3) Nestor “Tony” Izquierdo, an anti-Castro Cuban recruited by the CIA, fired the shot that hit JFK in the back of the head after the limousine was brought to a halt. He fired three shots with two misses using a Mannlicher-Carcano, which were the only unsilenced shots fired, from the Dal-Tex Building, which housed a uranium mining corporation, Dallas Uranium and Oil, that was a CIA front.
(4) Roscoe White, a Dallas police officer with ties to the CIA, fired from the grassy knoll adjoining the motorcade route, but seems to have “pulled his shot,” Fetzer said, “because it would have hit Jackie, so his shot went into the grass.” His son subsequently discovered his diary, but gave it to the FBI and it has not been seen since.
MALCOLM “MAC” WALLACE
(5) Malcolm “Mac” Wallace, who shot from the Dallas Book Depository, may have murdered a dozen people for Lyndon B. Johnson. “Mac” Wallace’s fingerprint was found on one of the boxes in the “assassin’s lair” in the book depository from which Oswald allegedly fired. Dealey-Plaza eyewitnesses interviewed by the FBI reported seeing a short, stocky man with horn-rimmed glasses appearing back and forth in the windows. Most Texans knew Mac Wallace was a very well-known associate of Lyndon Johnson on LBJ’s payroll. LBJ used his political swing to free Mac Wallace from a convicted murder charge. Wallace killed LBJ’s sister at LBJ’s direction and Wallace killed Dept. of Agriculture investigator Henry Marshall who was investigating LBJ for fraudulent federal land loans for the U.S. Dept. of Agriculture.
(6) Frank Sturgis, later complicit in the Watergate robbery, who also appears to have been connected to the CIA, is said by Fetzer to have fired from the north end of the Triple Underpass the shot that entered Kennedy’s right temple. Sturgis is known to have ties to Meyer Lansky, a notorious crime syndicate kingpin, and confessed his role to a New York City Gold Shield Detective when he was arrested attempting to kill Marita Lorenz.
In his interview with the Santa Barbara “Independent,” Fetzer said “there were shooters at six different locations,” with a total of up to 10 shots fired, three of which missed. He asserted JFK was hit four different times: in the back from behind, in the throat from in front, and twice in the head after the driver had brought the car to a halt to make sure he would be killed. Another shot missed and injured bystander James Tague, while “one or more shots hit Connally.”
By contrast, the Warren Commission concluded that a single bullet struck Kennedy in the back, exited through his throat and then wounded Connelly. Fetzer explained that the “magic bullet” theory propounded by the Warren Commission is not only false but provably false and not even anatomically possible, because cervical vertebrae intervene.
Ruth Paine, who appears to have been working for the CIA, arranged for Oswald to go to work for at book depository “just weeks before the assassination, which was part of the whole project to set him up as a patsy,” Fetzer said. Right up to the time of the assassination, Oswald was a paid FBI informant, collecting $200 a month, which explains why his W-2 forms have never been released by the government.
As for the motivation to kill JFK, Fetzer noted that he was threatening to shatter the CIA into a thousand pieces, that the Joint Chiefs believed he was soft on communism, that the Mafia was unhappy because Attorney General Robert Kennedy was cracking down on organized crime, that he was going to abolish the FED and cut the oil depletion allowance.
Fetzer said Vice President Johnson, who had forced his way onto the ticket with JFK in Los Angeles in order to succeed him when he would be taken out, “was a pivotal player” facilitating the assassination. LBJ sent his chief administrative assistant, Cliff Carter, down to Dallas to make sure all the arrangements for the assassination were in place. And his close friend, J. Edgar Hoover, used the FBI to cover it up.
Fetzer said further there where “more than 15 indications of Secret Service complicity in setting Kennedy up for the hit”: two agents assigned to the President’s limousine were left behind at Love Field; that JFK’s limousine, which should have been in the middle of the motorcade, was put first; that the motorcycle escort was reduced to four and instructed not to ride ahead of the limousine’s rear wheels; and after the first shots were fired, the driver pulled the limo to the left and stopped.
What’s more, Fetzer produced an AP photograph that appears to show Oswald standing in doorway of the book depository at the time JFK was shot. They may be compared with Oswald’s photograph taken later that afternoon in Dallas police headquarters. When questioned, Oswald told Dallas homicide detective Will Fritz that during the shooting he had been standing with Bill Shelley, one of his supervisors, in front of the building.
Note the missing left shoulder and the figure who is in front of and behind the man in the doorway at the same time, which are obvious indications the photo has been altered. Facial features have been distorted, but the clothing is the key. “If you look at the height, weight, build, and the clothing he’s wearing—especially the highly unusual shirt and the t-shirt he has on—they correspond very closely to what Oswald was wearing when he was arrested,” Fetzer said.
For more proof that the man in the doorway (Doorman) was Lee Oswald, visit the Oswald Innocence Campaignon-line. While they altered features of Doorman’s face, the only other candidates for having been there were not wearing comparable clothing or did not fit the height, weight and build of the man in the doorway. When you consider the totality of the evidence, no alternative explanation is reasonable.
“Guns and Butter: The Assassination of America, Part Two”
In his Santa Barbara Independent interview, Fetzer said public opinion polls “have shown over the years that as much as 85 percent of the public has expressed disagreement with the Warren Commission and the lone assassin theory.” Fetzer elaborated on the points he made in great detail during his keynote address, “The Assassination of America”, for the Santa Barbara JFK conference that he organized and moderated, which is now available at jfk50santabarbara.com.
Fetzer is a former Marine Corps officer who earned his Ph.D. in the history and philosophy of science. He has published 29 books, including three collections of studies by experts on different aspects of the assassination. Distinguished McKnight University Professor Emeritus at the University of Minnesota Duluth, he is also an editor for, and contributor to, Veterans Today.
Sherwood Ross is an award-winning reporter. He served in the U.S Air Force where he contributed to his base newspaper. He later worked for The Miami Herald and Chicago Daily News. He contributed a weekly column on working for a major wire service. He is also an editorial and book publicist. He currently resides in Florida.
Billy Sol Estes, the infamous Texan con man who made multiple visits to prison after his complex web of mortgage fraud and agriculture swindles came to light in the early 1960s, died May 14, in Granbury, Texas, at age 88. (As if on cue, Mother Nature unleashed a tornado on Granbury the very next day, killing six people.)
Among Estes’ legacies: the allegation that Lyndon Johnson orchestrated the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
Interestingly enough, the New York Times saw fit to report Estes’ claims about LBJ and JFK.
As his multi-million dollar empire began to fall apart in 1962, the well-connected Estes became a political liability to the Kennedy administration. President Kennedy himself had to publicly say that the Justice Dept. would get to the bottom of the Estes shenanigans.
Yet, as investigators dug into his labyrinthine schemes, they ended up dead — seven of them in fact; the majority dubiously ruled to be suicide. One victim’s “suicide” included five shots from a bolt action rifle.
In the early 1980s, after serving four years for tax fraud, Estes told Justice Dept. officials that not only did some his ill-gotten proceeds go to LBJ, but that LBJ ordered the investigator murders to avoid being connected to the kickbacks. Estes also said that he knew that LBJ orchestrated the JFK assassination, pointing to LBJ henchman Malcolm Wallace as a triggerman in both the investigator and the JFK killings.
(In 1951, Wallace narrowly avoided execution — getting instead a suspended sentence — for a murder he committed in Texas. In 1998 assassination investigator Walt Brown claimed that a mystery fingerprint taken from a box in the 6th Floor “sniper’s den” matched Wallace’s.)
The Times didn’t shrink from the LBJ accusations in reporting Estes’s departure.
“The Justice Department asked Mr. Estes for more information, and the response was explosive. For a pardon and immunity from prosecution, he promised to detail eight killings arranged by Johnson, including the Kennedy assassination. He said that Mr. Wallace had not only persuaded Jack Ruby to recruit Lee Harvey Oswald, but that Mr. Wallace had also fired a shot in Dallas that hit the president,” wrote the NYT, adding that “none of the Estes claims could be proved.”
On a personal note, I knew a man back in the early 90s who was himself a Texan wheeler and dealer. Smelling money in the wake of Oliver Stone’s “JFK” success, this fellow approached Estes to sit for a documentary. It never went beyond the initial videotaped interview, but I remember well one of Billy Sol’s lines: “Those Harvard boys just couldn’t handle Texan men.”
The wheeler and dealer died a decade ago in Mexico. I don’t know where the videotape ended up.
FBI says fingerprints from Oswald’s gun missing
Another revelation comes from a July 1978 memo to an attorney on the staff of the House Select Committee on Assassinations: The FBI was unable to locate the original fingerprints lifted from the rifle found at the sniper’s perch on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository.
Dallas police turned those over a few days after the assassination and never got them back. Top FBI officials told House investigators that finding the prints would be a “mammoth research effort.”
The head of the bureau’s fingerprint section told House investigators that standard procedure would have required returning the original prints to Dallas police, but “this case was not routine, nor was it handled as such.”
In 1992, Congress set Oct. 26, 2017, for the release of all remaining documents in the Kennedy collection. The National Archives released a batch in July, and five since then, including Friday’s. In late October, President Donald Trump gave the agencies six more months to review any material that might damage national security.
“We don’t pass judgment on the value of the information or draw any conclusions about the content. That’s left for the American people – for journalists, researchers, historians and the like,” said Jay Bosanko, chief operating officer at the National Archives.
Previous batches of documents have revealed the deep ties between U.S. and Mexican intelligence agencies, and the lengths the United States went to in attempts to undermine or assassinate Cuban dictator Fidel Castro.
A trove released Oct. 26 included a CIA report showing that Soviet leader Nikita Kruschev believed Dallas police had been an “accessory” to the assassination, because he found it implausible that presidential security was so “inept” for Kennedy to be killed without a conspiracy.
The documents have also revealed serious lapses in the surveillance of Oswald, a former Marine sharpshooter who had defected to the Soviet Union, then returned, then sought to go back. He was in Mexico City seeking visas to Cuba and then the Soviet Union.
Much of the material released Friday likely would not be subject to public disclosure under ordinary open records rules. Such materials provide insight into unrelated investigations, law enforcement techniques, foreign relations and intelligence gathering.
One 1990 FBI document, for example, relates a story from a source who claims U.S. Marines had unknowingly brought a Soviet agent into secure areas of the U.S. Embassy in Moscow “to engage in sexual intercourse.” The agent then planted audio devices in the embassy, the source said, and removed the bugs during another sexual encounter.
Some of the documents also detail continued efforts to track the KKK and other white supremacist groups, especially in relation to the assassination of King. One set of FBI reports unsealed Friday details efforts to infiltrate the Ku Klux Klan in the late 1960s with help from an informant – a former Imperial officer – who “has been utilized extensively to cause dissension in Klan ranks.”
The FBI scrambled for information on Dallas nightclub owner Jack Ruby in the days after he shot and killed Oswald.
Agents around the country contacted gambling sources for any insights, mostly coming up empty. But in Chicago, agents learned that Ruby had been close with Ross Prio, a “top hoodlum” in the city. And he was friends with gun shop owner Joe Scaramuzzo, who had sold three of the four guns used in a 1954 shooting at the U.S. House of Representatives by Puerto Rican nationalists.
Roughly a dozen archivists have been devoted to the JFK papers this year, coordinating with officials at the FBI, CIA, Defense Intelligence Agency and other federal agencies.
All documents subject to release have now been released in full or in redacted form, except for 86 records subject to further research by archivists and federal agencies. Records released only in redacted form will be reviewed in coming months by the agencies that generated them.
Most of the 5 million pages of Kennedy records were released in the 1990s, a bonanza for assassination buffs on a host of related topics, including FBI monitoring of anti-war groups, King, the Weathermen and others.
Congress created the five-member Assassination Records Review Board in 1992 as part of a law requiring the release of all Kennedy assassination documents within 25 years. The law authorizes the president — the one in office in 2017, that is — to block release if he deems it would harm U.S. intelligence, law enforcement, military or diplomacy interests.
Just under a third of the materials released Friday – an estimated 85,000 pages worth — had been categorized as irrelevant to the JFK assassination itself, and withheld in full until now.
As with previous sets of records, this one provides insight into foreign intrigue and efforts to spy on adversaries.
There’s a memo from the files of Kennedy’s defense secretary, Robert McNamara, with a juicy geopolitical tidbit, courtesy of an informant close to the mother of Marxist leader Che Guevara. Che has recently returned from Cuba and told his mom that “Both he and Castro feel Khrushchev ‘let them down’ and has no further interest in spreading Communism in South America. Guevara added that he and Castro believe they and the Chinese are better Communists than Khrushchev.”
The latest trove includes reports on Soviet and Cuban arms smuggling in the Caribbean, and complaints made to the Dallas FBI office about authors and documentary film makers contacting witnesses from the Grassy Knoll or the killing of Officer J.D. Tippett.
March 12: FBI, CIA and other agencies must report to the archives any material they want withheld
March 26: National Archives makes its recommendations to the president on what material warrants further withholding
April 26: The president’s deadline for release of all remaining records.
David Morales – We Took Care of That SOB
JMWAVE Chief of Operations David Morales.
David Sanchez Morales, aka “El Indio,” worked for the CIA under the cover of Army employment. He was involved in PBSUCCESS, the CIA’s 1954 overthrow of the Guatemalan government, and rose to become Chief of Operations at the CIA’s large JMWAVE facility in Miami. In that role, he oversaw operations undertaken against the regime of Fidel Castro in Cuba.
Morales was involved in other covert operations of the CIA, reportedly including plots to assassinate Fidel Castro, training intelligence teams supporting the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, the CIA’s secret war in Laos and its controversial Operation Phoenix in Vietnam, and the hunting down of Che Guevara in Bolivia.
After Morales’ retirement in 1975 he returned to his native Arizona, and died of a heart attack in 1978. HSCA investigator Gaeton Fonzi traced Morales to Wilcox, Arizona shortly after Morales’ death, and talked to his lifelong friend Ruben Carbajal and a business associate of Morales’ named Bob Walton. Walton told Fonzi of an evening, after many drinks, when Morales went into a tirade about Kennedy and particularly his failure to support the men of the Bay of Pigs. Morales finished this conversation by saying “Well, we took care of that son of a bitch, didn’t we?” Carbajal, who had been present at the confession, corroborated it.
Morales was also named by Howard Hunt as a participant in the JFK assassination.
Carbajal described the long line of cars and men in dark glasses who paid their respects at the funeral of Morales, whose tombstone reads simply: “David S. Morales, SFC US Army, World War II Korea, 1925 – 1978.” Morales operated under deep cover for such a high-level officer, one who is discussed in books by insiders like David Phillips, Bradley Ayers, and John Martino. The released CIA records on Morales are a faint outline of the files the CIA must maintain.
In November 2006, a BBC Newsnight program alleged that film footage showed that David Morales, George Joannides, and Gordon Campbell were present at the Ambassador Hotel when Robert Kennedy was murdered. Subsequent research by Mel Ayton and a more thorough investigation by David Talbot and Jeff Morley has failed to uphold these identifications.
E. Howard scribbled the initials “LBJ,” standing for Kennedy’s ambitious vice president, Lyndon Johnson. Under “LBJ,” connected by a line, he wrote the name Cord Meyer. Meyer was a CIA agent whose wife had an affair with JFK; later she was murdered, a case that’s never been solved. Next his father connected to Meyer’s name the name Bill Harvey, another CIA agent; also connected to Meyer’s name was the name David Morales, yet another CIA man and a well-known, particularly vicious black-op specialist. And then his father connected to Morales’ name, with a line, the framed words “French Gunman Grassy Knoll.”
So there it was, according to E. Howard Hunt. LBJ had Kennedy killed. It had long been speculated upon. But now E. Howard was saying that’s the way it was. And that Lee Harvey Oswald wasn’t the only shooter in Dallas. There was also, on the grassy knoll, a French gunman, presumably the Corsican Mafia assassin Lucien Sarti, who has figured prominently in other assassination theories.
“By the time he handed me the paper, I was in a state of shock,” Saint says. “His whole life, to me and everybody else, he’d always professed to not know anything about any of it. But I knew this had to be the truth. If my dad was going to make anything up, he would have made something up about the Mafia, or Castro, or Khrushchev. He didn’t like Johnson. But you don’t falsely implicate your own country, for Christ’s sake. My father is old-school, a dyed-in-the-wool patriot, and that’s the last thing he would do.”
Later that week, E. Howard also gave Saint two sheets of paper that contained a fuller narrative. It starts out with LBJ again, connecting him to Cord Meyer, then goes on: “Cord Meyer discusses a plot with [David Atlee] Phillips who brings in Wm. Harvey and Antonio Veciana. He meets with Oswald in Mexico City… Then Veciana meets w/ Frank Sturgis in Miami and enlists David Morales in anticipation of killing JFK there. But LBJ changes itinerary to Dallas, citing personal reasons.”
David Atlee Phillips, the CIA’s Cuban operations chief in Miami at the time of JFK’s death, knew E. Howard from the Guatemala-coup days. Veciana is a member of the Cuban exile community. Sturgis, like Saint’s father, is supposed to have been one of the three tramps photographed in Dealey Plaza. Sturgis was also one of the Watergate plotters, and he is a man whom E. Howard, under oath, has repeatedly sworn to have not met until Watergate, so to Saint the mention of his name was big news.
In the next few paragraphs, E. Howard goes on to describe the extent of his own involvement. It revolves around a meeting he claims he attended, in 1963, with Morales and Sturgis. It takes place in a Miami hotel room. Here’s what happens:
Morales leaves the room, at which point Sturgis makes reference to a “Big Event” and asks E. Howard, “Are you with us?”
E. Howard asks Sturgis what he’s talking about.
Sturgis says, “Killing JFK.”
E. Howard, “incredulous,” says to Sturgis, “You seem to have everything you need. Why do you need me?” In the handwritten narrative, Sturgis’ response is unclear, though what E. Howard says to Sturgis next isn’t: He says he won’t “get involved in anything involving Bill Harvey, who is an alcoholic psycho.”
After that, the meeting ends. E. Howard goes back to his “normal” life and “like the rest of the country . . . is stunned by JFK’s death and realizes how lucky he is not to have had a direct role.”
After reading what his father had written, St. John was stunned too. His father had not only implicated LBJ, he’d also, with a few swift marks of a pen, put the lie to almost everything he’d sworn to, under oath, about his knowledge of the assassination. Saint had a million more questions. But his father was exhausted and needed to sleep, and then Saint had to leave town without finishing their talk, though a few weeks later he did receive in the mail a tape recording from his dad. E. Howard’s voice on the cassette is weak and grasping, and he sometimes wanders down unrelated pathways. But he essentially remakes the same points he made in his handwritten narrative.
Shortly thereafter, Laura found out what had been going on, and with the help of E. Howard’s attorney put an end to it. St. John and his father were kept apart. When they did see each other, they were never left alone. And they never got a chance to finish what they’d started. Instead, the old man set about writing his autobiography. He asked for his JFK memos back, and Saint returned them, though not before making copies. There is no way to confirm Hunt’s allegations — all but one of the co-conspirators he named are long gone. St. John, for his part, believes his father. E. Howard was lucid when he made his confession. He was taking no serious medications, and he and his son were finally on good terms. If anything, St. John believes, his father was holding out on him, the old spy keeping a few secrets in reserve, just in case.
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